![]() 2018), but little research has been undertaken on reasons for the decline and on changes in policing of disorders. 1 The decline in the frequency of civil disorders has been documented ( Olzak and Shanahan 1996 Olzak, Shanahan, and McEneaney 1996 Gooden and Myers 2018 Bentley-Edwards et al. did not lead to extended and continued rioting beyond the initial outbursts, nor was it as heavy handed a police response as in previous times. Even the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. We have in general not seen a repeat of the massive state violence in response to crowd situations that was responsible for hundreds of deaths in the 1960s ( Tilly 2003). THE ABEYANCE OF LARGE-SCALE CIVIL DISORDERS We consider three central questions: What changes in the policing of protest and civil disorder are most noticeable since Kerner? What police practices "worked" in Ferguson and what practices did not? What are implications for the twenty-first century? We use the case of Ferguson in 2014 to illustrate significant changes in the policing of protests since Kerner. Then, we review several problems with the policing of disorders identified by the Kerner Commission and the commission's recommendations to mitigate them. ![]() Paralleling changes in the forms of disorder, we note a shift by researchers to study the policing of disorders as a factor more broadly tied to efforts to control social movements and protest. We begin with a consideration of factors relevant to the relative absence of the large-scale disorders since the 1960s. This article explores how the policing of civil disorders in a context of protest has changed since the 1960s. Other factors include instances of fire-crackers being heard as gunshots, of police mistakenly firing at each other, of police covering their badges and of leadership, equipment, strategic, and logistical failures that limited effectiveness and increased anger on all sides ( Marx 1971a). Sometimes there were two riots-the police and those they sought to control. In 1967 police action could often be described as too much too soon or too little too late. ![]() Once on the street, police responses were a central factor in whether violence escalated. In the 1960s, incidents (and sometimes rumors) of police violence were most often what drew protesters, rioting protesters, and opportunistic rioters to the streets. Police remain the fulcrum for accumulated grievances. Despite improvement in some areas, the combustible mix that led to the 1960s disorders is still here. The Ferguson protests and disorder and the overwhelming police response to this social unrest provide a reminder that, more than any other institution, police symbolize the American racial order. For the contemporary period, we consider the policing of protests that emerged with a case study of Ferguson, Missouri, following the police killing of Michael Brown. ![]() We use some of their 1968 recommendations as the framework to contrast police behavior then and now. The commission's "Supplement on Control of Disorder" considered problems related to operational planning, logistical needs, training, control equipment, coordination, and legal needs. Police were a central factor in the 1967 disorders studied by the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (the Kerner Commission, thus the Kerner report ). Institute for Intergovernmental Research 2015 ![]()
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